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As can be seen in Appendix 5, 105 ceramic vessels were identified from this field work. Several of these represented fragments of vessels which were recovered from the 1926 excavations. They were recovered from the south and west yards where they were deposited as a result of Lombards disposal of the backdirt from the cellars. When these vessels are not included in the tabulation, the remains of a total of 101 vessels were recovered. Redware dominated the ceramic assemblage with several forms such as a pipkin, which is a three legged cooking pot, drinking pots, which are large cups basically, and two possible flasks adding to the types of vessels previously identified. All of the vessels were classified using the POTS system of typology. The vessels which had sherds which represented their profiles are all illustrated in Figure 26. Several vessels were identified by glaze color and were too fragmentary to bear any distinguishable profile. These are not illustrated but are tabulated in appendix 5.
The shapes of most of the redware vessels appeared similar to the those vessels recovered from the 1926 excavation. There was only one (vessel 62) which appeared noticeably different. The rim shape on this vessel is reminiscent of redware pots recovered from the excavations at the C-1 and the C-21 archaeological sites. The rim is wide and flaring and reminiscent of the North Devon Gravel-Free Baluster jars. Possibly this vessel, which appears to have a very dark body paste, may be a fragment of a Baluster Jar in North Devon Gravel-Free ware, or it may be a colonial copy of the same type of vessel. In either case, the context in which it was recovered, from the palisade trench, and the other artifacts associated with it, date its occurrence to between 1670 and 1680 at this site. At the other two sites mentioned, there are earlier occupations, but from the C-21 site at least, the context also dates it to circa 1650 to 1690. While it was initially hoped that this vessel would prove to provide evidence of an earlier occupation at the site, it appears to just be an older looking style.
The fragments of the three Baluster jars (Figure 6) which were recovered also were initially hoped to be dated to the early seventeenth century. Baluster jars are commonly recovered from early seventeenth century sites such as Martins Hundred in Virginia and the wreck of the Sea Venture in Bermuda (Faulkner 1987:203). It was initially believed that these vessels were very diagnostic of the early seventeenth century and did not occur on sites after 1635. Unfortunately, since the time of that writing, these vessels have been recovered from several later seventeenth century sites (Cranmer 1990:85). It appears that they have not been found on sites which have occupations dating to later than the early eighteenth century. The fact that they have not been readily identified in the past may be that they have only become well known recently, and have been identified more commonly. The context of these vessels at the ATPM site also dates them to the late seventeenth century.
The ceramic assemblage from both the 1926 and the 1995 excavations both contain a large number of tin-glazed "Delft" vessels. The most interesting of these from the 1995 season were fragments of several plates and chargers recovered chiefly from sections of the trench. Based on the designs on two of these vessels, a Portuguese origin is possible. One vessel (vessel 81) bears a "spiderweb" pattern similar to a vessel from the Clarke and Lake site (Baker 1985:29). Based on the style of the brush strokes on the other vessel (vessel 82) it is posited that this too is a Portuguese vessel. Vessel 83 appears on the other hand to be English in origin. The rim is decorated with the blue dash pattern which gives these types of vessels their name "blue-dash chargers". The rim pattern is similar to that on the tin-glazed punch bowl from the 1926 excavations. This vessel has been dated to 1660-1690 (Heritage Plantation 1994:63). These chargers were popular in the early seventeenth century but fell out of favor around the 1640s. They again became popular after the Restoration in 1660 and remained so until the end of the century (Hume 1969:108).
Two examples of English Malling cups (vessels 85 and 87) were recovered from sections of the trench. These vessels are called Malling cups because of the complete specimen which is preserved in the West Malling church in Kent, England (Brown 1980:50). The technique of decorating vessels with a stippled blue or purple glaze is reported to date back to the sixteenth century but its use on English tin-glazed vessels dates to 1660 to 1700. The vessels from the collection probably have shapes similar to those which were recovered from the Burrs Hill site in Rhode Island (Brown 1980: 50-51). The forms of these cups indicated that they were probably produced between 1660 and 1680.
One fragment of German gray stoneware was recovered which bore a purple glaze as part of its decoration (vessel 93). Hume states that this color was used on stoneware in the 1660s (Hume 1969: 281). One fragment of a white salt-glazed stoneware bowl was recovered (vessel 95). White-salt glazed stoneware was first produced around 1720 until 1805 (Hume 1969: 115). This vessel indicates the possibility that occupation at the site continued until at least 1720. One fragment of British brown stoneware (vessel 96) was recovered. This may be a fragment of a vessel recovered by Lombard from the cellars. This type of ceramic was produced from 1690-1775 (Hume 1969:112).
Two other earthenware types were recovered. One was a fragment of creamware from EU 10 at 15cm (vessel 97). Creamware was first produced in 1762 until 1820 (Hume 1969:125). this may indicate that there was occupation at the site until this late date. However, this fragment may also be a stray occurrence at the site. Since the other site which has been tentatively identified as the Timothy Perry site (see appendix 6) is located to the south of the ATPM site and it was occupied possibly until 1785. Looking at the artifacts which were recovered from the cellarholes, it appears that the occupation ceased at the site around 1720-1730. This land was probably used by the Perrys for farm land and just as we found one fragment of a late seventeenth century pipe bowl far away from the ATPM site, so too could a fragment of creamware end up at the ATPM site from the Timothy Perry site.
The other earthenware which was recovered were fragments from several slipware vessels. Slipware was produced in England from 1675-1795 (Hume 1969:134). None of the fragments were found within the trench feature. This lends credence to the notion that this feature was created before the destruction of the house. Most of the fragments from the eight vessels (vessels 98-105) yielded no information of vessel forms. The ones which did indicated that cups or mugs were present at the site. Most of these vessels may have come from the excavation of the cellar holes.
Numerous clay tobacco pipe fragments were recovered during the excavations. The forms of many of these pipes are shown in Figure 27. Eighteen different types of pipes were recovered. All the forms are easily identifiable to the late seventeenth and early eighteenth centuries. These 18 types can be grouped to form 10 groupings of types with one grouping (type 10) not being considered because it was found at site 4.
The first grouping are heeless funnel shaped bowls (type 1). These pipe bowls do not bear a heel or spur at the base of the bowl. Faulkner states that he believes that these pipes, which he calls heeless exports, were produced after 1660. There are no European precedents for this shape and they may have been produced to mimic the Native shaped pipes. As a result they may have been made and exported from England to be used for trade (Faulkner 1987:171). They appear similar to an example illustrated by Hume and dated 1680 to 1710 (Figure 2 type 17)(1969: 303).
The next type of bowl shape is a large belly bowl (types 2, 3, 4, 6, 10). These pipes look similar in shape to bowls from the early seventeenth century except that they are much larger. The rims are slightly constricted with rouletting on the exterior while the body bulges to a "belly" as it meets the stem, all bear a heel at the base of the bowl where it joins to the stem. Both of the complete bowl examples from the trench appear heavily burned and chipped at the rim. This indicates that they were extensively used and the chipping may have resulted from the banging of the bowl on a hard surface such as a table to remove the residue from smoking. This banging may in fact have been what caused the pipes to break at the stem to bowl juncture as they did. Three of the stems also indicate that the stems had either broken or been purposefully shortened at some time during their lives. These examples also show evidence of tooth wear on the ends, as if they had been clenched in the mouth. These examples date from approximately 1680 to 1710 based on Humes chronology and 1660 to 1710 based on Oswalds (1969: 303). Type 10 has a sharply angled base. This type has been reported by Faulkner as having been found at Pentagoet in a context which is dated at c. 1674 (Faulkner 1987:168). He stated that these may be a product of the West Country of England.
The third type of pipe bowl is decorated at heel with two raised dots (type 5). This fragment was probably part of a complete bowl which bore a Tudor Rose or Mulberry design. Faulkner states that these design were common from approximately 1635 until the last quarter of the seventeenth century (Faulkner 1987:171) (Figure 28).
The fourth type of pipes (Type 7) bear a geometric pattern on the stem consisting of a band of strait lines encircling the stem followed by a band of ovals which is followed by a band on connected peaks with dots below their apexes (Figure 28). This design has been attributed to Bristol pipe makers from 1650 to circa 1750 (Faulkner 1980:12).
Type five consists of pipes which were made by Llewelyn Evans and WL Evans (Types 8, 16 and 14). These pipes are the same as those fragments found during the 1926 excavations and date to the same time periods, 1661-1689. WL Evans may have succeeded L Evans in his Bristol pipe trade.
The sixth type of pipe is one fragment of what appears to possibly be a crusader-huntress pipe (type 9). The complete examples of this pipe bowl bears the figure of a man in armor on one side and a woman with a dog on the other (Figure 28) (Faulkner 1987:169). The fragment from the ATPM site may be from the leaves which are near the stem and bowl juncture. These pipes have been dated at 1670-1700 (Faulkner 1987:170). Fragments of pipes of this type have been recovered from the Clarke and Lake site, the forts at Pemaquid and Pentagoet (Baker 1985:25; Bradley 1994:105; Faulkner 1987:170).
The seventh type of pipe (type 9) is a fragment of what appears to be a Raleigh pipe stem (Figure 28). This style of molded pipe depicted an image of Raleighs head on the bowl facing the smoker while the stem took the form of an alligator swallowing him. Raleigh is credited with introducing tobacco to England and this fanciful pipe harkens back to a story told about him. Once in Florida Raleigh was almost swallowed by an alligator but the beast spit him back out due to how saturated he was with tobacco juice (Faulkner 1987: 170). Pipes of this style date to approximately 1650 to 1700 but the debased nature of the pipe indicates that it more likely dates to approximately 1670-1680. Pipes of this type have been recovered from Pentagoet and the Clarke and Lake site (Faulkner 1987: 170; Baker 1985:25).
The eighth pipe type (Type 12, 13) represents those made by the Robert Tippetts who were producing pipes in Bristol England from 1660-1720 (Bradley 1994:105). These pipes are the same as those recovered by Lombard.
The final grouping of pipes (types 17 and 18) are one of the most interesting. These pipes are made of red clay and appear to mimic two of the forms in white clay. Type 17 appears to be a heeless funnel and Type 18 appears to be a large belly bowl. Red clay tobacco pipes are common in New England on late seventeenth century sites. Pipes of this type are generally found on sites in Maine at least dating from 1660-1676 and never make up a large percentage of the assemblage (Faulkner 1987:171). Redware pipes in New England appear to have European precedents in white clay, but closer to home, red clay pipes were produced in Virginia from the very earliest years of settlement.
The pipe makers in New England, possibly those in Charlestown, Massachusetts, may have gotten the idea from people in Virginia. In fact, one redware Virginia pipe bowl has been recovered from the C-21/ Allerton site in Kingston, Massachusetts. These pipes may have been produced to supply a commodity at a low price which was originally coming from England or Holland. Fragments of redware pipes have been recovered from Pentagoet (1635-1674), the Clarke and Lake site (1654-1676), Burrs Hill (c.1660-1676), C-1 (1635-1676), C-21 (1650-1699) (Faulkner 1987:171; Baker 1985:25; Gibson 1980:164)
Four types of glass were recovered from the 1995 excavations. These are glass beads, window glass, case bottle glass, and curved bottle glass. Four beads were found during the excavations in the south yard. One was dark blue and 9 millimeters in diameter. This type can be dated to circa 1660-1677 (Billings 1980:127). This was found in EU 1 at 15 cm below the surface. Two other beads were manufactured by a process called winding . This is when molten glass is wound around a metal core rod forming the bead. One bead from the site is maple colored 1 centimeter in diameter and was found in EU 3 at 15 cm below the surface. This type of bead can be classified as variety Id1 in the Kidd typology (Kidd 1970). A bead of this same type was recovered from Fort Orange in features dating from 1794 to 1970 (Huey 1983:96). Unfortunately this type can not be dated anymore precisely.
The other is cinnamon colored and is a five sided faceted bead 1.1 centimeters in diameter. This bead was found in EU 10 at 50 centimeters below surface. This type can be classified by using the Kidd typology as a WIIc6 type (Kidd 1970). Beads of this type have been recovered from one central Pennsylvania site dating from 1690 to 1750 (Kent 1983:81).
The final type of bead is a tubular redwood bead 7 millimeters long. This was found in EU 11 at 40 cm below surface. This type of bead can be classified as a Ia1 and is one of the most common types of beads occurring throughout the seventeenth century. They have been recovered from sites dating from 1600 to 1687 but are most common after 1650 (Huey 1983:105).
All of the beads recovered appear to date from the late seventeenth to eighteenth century. The only exception could be the type Ia1 which can occur at earlier sites. Its recovery with the palisade trench in EU 11 helps to narrow the date to the late seventeenth century.
According to James Bradley's work on beads in southern New England, they appear fairly infrequently in the archaeological record. They appear to have been a mediocre trade item to the Wampanoag and Narragansett. The possible reasons for this are: These people may have been more interested in trading for other items such as knives, hatchets or cloth; The use of wampumpeag and suckahock may have been more important to these people; Finally that they may not have placed the same symbolic value on the beads that the Iroquois did and as a result did not care to trade for them. It appears from Bradford's writing that glass trade beads were not that popular to the native people in Southern New England. In 1622 Bradford stated that the beads were good trade at the time but appeared to be less valued (Murphy 1981:124). The following year he stated that they had a poor trading voyage to the Narragansett because all that they had "only a few beads and knives which were not...much esteemed." (Murphy 1981: 154).
One of the most exciting artifacts recovered was a single white "wampum" bead which was found in a soil flotation sample from EU 12. As far as is known, this is the only wampum bead ever recovered from a New England historic European site.
This bead was made from white shell, most likely either the knobbed or channeled whelk (Busycon caniculatus or Busycon carica). It is of the classic shape for the white and purple shell beads which people have lumped under the heading of "wampum". A white bead such as this would have been called wampumpeake while the purple beads made from quahog (Mercenaria mercenaria) would have been called suckahock or mowhachais (Williams 1971: 212). As has been stated earlier, these beads were important to the Native people in southern New England and there are a few references to them in the pre-1628 records but it can be stated with confidence that the Dutch did not introduce them to the colonists.
It is noted in Winslow that when the Billington boy was retrieved in 1621 the Nauset delivered him "Behung with beads and made peace with us." (Young 1844:217). The beads that were on him may have been wampumpeag and/ or suckahock (white and blue shell beads). The reason why Billington would have been strung with wampumpeag would be to show the English how powerful and rich the Nausets were. On another occasion, the 1622 visit to the sachem Caunacum's house Bradford probably saw wampumpeag again because two messengers came in and presented a gift of tobacco and beads to the sachem. Again, the beads may have been the wampumpeag (Young 1844: 307). In fact, in the 1627 inventory of the goods held in store at the trading house before the Dutch's visit, wampumpeak is noted as being present (Morsion 1984:195). The Dutch did sell them 50 pounds of it, which took them two years to trade (Morsion 1984:203). In fact, de Rasiere himself stated that prior to his visit, the colonists would sail into Sloup's bay in search of trade in sewan, wampum. Their first encounter with wampum may have been in November of the 1620 when they opened a grave on Cape Cod and found two bodies, one dressed in European sailor clothes and the other being a baby "About the legs and other parts of it was bound strings and bracelets of fine white beads." (Young 1844: 143).
These beads were used for a variety of purposes by the coastal Natives in the northeast and the reader is referred to Burggarf 1987, Ceci 1989, Hamell 1996 and Speck 1919 for further information. Suffice it to say that these beads were considered good trade items by the Natives and eventually the English traded away the wampum given to them by the Dutch, to the Natives in Maine. Wampum became a form of currency among the English and the Natives in New England. Roger Williams noted that the black beads had twice the value of the white (Williams 1971:212 ). As the century progressed the colonists were able to acquire silver specie from the West Indies and the wampum was outlawed as a form of currency by the 1660s (Vaughan 1965:220). The occurrence of the silver coin found by Lombard reflects this silver which replaced the wampum in the colony.
Fortunately, the size of wampum beads allows them to be dated fairly easily. Early seventeenth century wampum was approximately .6cm long and .3cm in diameter (Hamell 1996:43). By the 18th century wampum beads were more uniform in size and shape and longer. This fact allows the size, shape and drilling technology to be used to roughly dated them (Hamell 1996:45). The bead from the palisade trench is 1.2cm long, cylindrical and not barrel shape and was probably drilled with an iron awl. The size, when compared with beads from the middle to late seventeenth century site of Burrs Hill, is comparable. This indicates that this bead is of a style dating to the middle to late seventeenth century. The fact that it was found within the palisade trench which dates to circa 1660-1680, further supports this date.
This bead, and the other glass beads, may have been used to trade with the Natives in the area. Alternately they may have just as easily have been part of a womans lace making kit or have been worn by an English woman. There is the possibility that the bead may have been kept by the inhabitants of the house as a curiosity of the Natives. The same would hold true for the stone axe head and other stone tools found within the cellarholes and one the hearth. The beads could also serve medicinal purposes. The medicine was to be used to cure kidney and gall stones and the procedure was to grind the pearl or Wampum up and mix it with White wine, possett or ale (Josselyn 1672:33).
Over 220 fragments of flat, aqua window glass were recovered from the 1926 and 1995 excavations. These fragments ranged from .2 to .8 cm thick. This thickness was used to distinguish window glass from the fragments of case bottle glass which is also flat. The window glass present at the site is most likely from "quarries" (quarrels) which were diamond, rectangular or square panes of glass. These were then mounted in grooved strips of lead called turned lead (Hume 1969:233). These turned leads were anchored to iron frames and mounted within a wooden casement. The use of casements continued into the first half of the eighteenth century. These were then replaced with double-hung sash windows (Hume 1969:233).
The glass used to make windows of this type was made by blowing a long bubble, cutting off both ends, slicing it down the middle on one side, and then laying it on an iron plate in a furnace mouth until it flattened (Hume 1969:234). This broad sheet of glass was then cut into the quarries. This process continued to be the most popular method until circa 1690 when it was replaced by blowing a large bubble and flattening it into a disc from which the panes were cut (Hume 1969:235). All of the glass from the site is of the former variety, indicating that it was made probably prior to 1690.
Case bottles (Figure 6) were a type of bottle used to carry liquids in the seventeenth through eighteenth centuries. Round bodied bottles such as the ones that Lombard recovered from the cellarholes were not made until at least the middle of the seventeenth century (Hume 1969:62). Before this the most common bottle used to transport liquids was square sided with a fairly flat base and sort neck. These bottles were sold, shipped and stored in wooden cases which usually contained 12 bottles (Hume 1969:62).
Eleven fragments of case bottle glass were recovered. These were distinguished from window glass by their thickness (Figure 29). These fragments were recovered from a number of test units and EU in the south yard. One large piece of a case bottle was recovered from the trench feature in EU 13.
Eighty-one fragments of bottle glass were recovered. These represent at least four bottles ranging in date from the late seventeenth century to the twentieth. Some fragments were found in the upper layers of excavation which appear to be from the same bottles that Lombard excavated. One half of a wine bottle excavated from EU 13 was datable to 1670 to 1680 based on its shape. As was stated earlier, globular wine bottles did not come into use until the middle to late seventeenth century.
The metal artifacts from the site fall into three categories: Architectural; clothing and personal; and tools. Due to the presence of a large number of nails, the architectural class accounts for most of the metal artifacts from the site. All of the artifacts except the nails, are illustrated in Figure 30.
Nails occur in great quantities at almost any historical site excavated. Many modern, hand wrought and nail fragments were recovered from the ATPM site. For the purposes of this work, only the complete hand-wrought nails will be considered.
The nails used in the seventeenth century construction at the site were each individually hand made either by a nailer or a blacksmith. Thus the term had-wrought. these types of nails are the only type recovered from archaeological sites dating to before the nineteenth century. The nails from the ATPM site were of the following sizes:
Nails which were one and one half inch long or shorter constitute the bulk of the assemblage (N=295). It is unknown at the present time what specific nail sizes were used for. It is theorized that the clapboarding on the exterior of the house, the flooring on the interior and the lathing in the walls are all represented by the various sized nails, but it is not known which size is associated with which architectural elements.
Three iron hinges were recovered from the trench. The first is one half of a rectangular hinge with two nails present. Leaf hinges such as these were designed for light applications and may have been used on trapdoors into the cellars or on cupboards. The second type of hinge recovered is of a butterfly hinge, triangular in shape. Hinges of this shape were used on architectural doors or on furniture such as cupboards. An example which was on exhibit at Heritage Plantation was given a date of 1650 to 1750 (Heritage Plantation 1994:76). The final hinge form is a simple side hinge which would have been used on casement windows or light applications. That all of these elements were recovered from the trench feature is logical. As has been stated before, it appears that the trench contains material dating from the earliest years of occupation at the site and some of the fragments in the trench were deposited during or soon after the construction of the house.
The second largest assemblage of metal items are those relating to clothing and personal belongings. One brass buckle was recovered and one iron tang, possibly for a personal buckle or a harness buckle. One iron clothing hook was found. Hooks such as this operated with eyes and were used to fasten items of clothing such as doublets, jerkins, breeches and skirts (Heritage Plantation 1994: 75). Three pins, one 1 ¾" long and two 1 long were recovered. The longer one appears to be brass while the shorter ones are silver. Several buttons were recovered. Two were pewter and may have been cast at the site. Two of the others are brass and appear to have has a stone or ivory set in their face. Another was a simple flat brass button with an eye on the back which had been cast with the piece originally and bent over. The final item is a brass button cap which has been tinned to make it look silver.
One silver nail head was found. At one time this item probably decorated a box, chest or chair. One iron cotter pin hinge was recovered. This item may have been associated with the chest lock recovered by Lombard from the cellar.
The final class of metal is the tools. This class covers all items which were used for doing work but it also contains fragments which may be the waste from smithing. The largest tool recovered was a broad hoe. This item was found on the north side of the eastern extension of the house. The recovery of this item here and the lack of a great deal of artifactual remains in the north and east yards may indicate that these were areas which were used as a planting area while the south and west yards were areas which was used for activities which such as carpentry and smithing. The differential use of the yards as well as the deposition of trash in the south and west yards primarily would result in the concentrations being different. This may account for the hoe being recovered from an area with relatively low artifact concentrations. It is possible that the hoe originally came from the cellar and was missed during the excavation, although this seems less likely.
However it came to be where we recovered it, as stated, this is a broad hoe. Hoes of this type are used for weeding and may be classed as agricultural hoes as opposed to smaller gardening hoes (Fiore 1980:97). This hoe bears the spiny reinforcement at the socket-blade juncture. This is characteristic of late seventeenth and eighteenth century hoes (Hume 1974:76). This hoe is of the same type as the example recovered by Batchelder in 1852.
One horseshoe was recovered. According to Hume, the four holes and the general shape of the shoe indicates that it dates to the late seventeenth century (Hume 1969: 238). One fragment of what is believed to be a gun barrel was recovered. The barrel would have had a bore of .58 which puts in the larger musket class as opposed to a pistol. One iron strike-a-light was recovered. This item was used in association with a piece of flint or quartz to strike a spark to start a fire. The example from the ATPM site is very similar in shape to one from Burrs Hill (Gibson 1980: 150). This item apparently broke and was discarded.
The final items are those which possibly relate to smithing or to metal production at the site. This category consists of two brass kettle fragments and a lump of lead. These kettle fragments represent vessels which were cut up, chiseled and filed to produce useful items. These items may have taken the form of patches for other kettle, funnels or possible trade goods for Natives. The reuse of kettles has been noted by Faulkner in his excavation of the smiths shop at Pentagoet (Faulkner 1987:156). One brass fragment is an year for the attachment of a bail on a small kettle. The lead fragment apparently represents lead which had been poured into a round object. This resulted in the small round "ingot" recovered.
Along the western extension of the trench, extensive trash deposits were found. It will be the focus of this section to examine the recovered faunal remains from four one by one meter units located along this extension. Three of these units were located adjacent to each other and the other was located approximately 10 meters to the north. All appear to have been rapidly filled with hearth debris consisting of gunflint chipping debris, broken ceramic vessels, broken glass vessels, ash, and predominantly shellfish and faunal remains. The excavators believe at this time that the deposits date to the early years of occupation at the site, possibly the first year the site was occupied, circa 1675. By looking at the species present it will be shown that the deposit dates to the late fall of the year, probably just before winter.
This report will describe the species present at the site, their minimum number of individuals present for each, some of the slaughter and butchery pattern evident with them, the wild species present in the feature, the seasonality of the capture and butchery of all of the species and finally what the historical records of the period have to say about the capture and use of various species
The domestic species present at the site will be quantified first as these are the most numerous. The usual domestic mammalian species represented at colonial sites were present at this site as well. Pigs dominated the assemblage with the dentary remains of seven individuals being present in the southwestern section of the trench and three being present in the northwestern section. The age range for the individuals form the southwestern section was as follows: 2 fetal piglets; 1 suckling piglet of six to 12 months of age; one pig of a possible six to 16 month age range; and two within a 16 to 24 month range. In the northwestern deposit the age ranges were: one which was approximately 9 to 16 months old and two which were 12 to 24 months old. The ages for the individuals is based on the eruption ages for the mandibular teeth as presented by Rolett (1994:377). Both male pigs and female sows were being slaughtered at the site with the male predominating with over 60% of the canine teeth present being male Both piglets appear to have been deposited at the same time and from the completeness of the remains and their concentration in the units they were not eaten. These two piglets were probably still born or died very soon after they were born. There is also the possibility, since the piglet remains were so small that they were within one of the three sows which were butchered.
The cattle remains from the site show that during this butchering episode represented in the trench, nine individuals were butchered. Based on the rates of dental eruption, it appears that five of that nine were individuals who were under 2 1/4 years and four were individuals who were over 2 1/4 years. All but one of the individuals were probably not too much older than 3 years old considering the limited amount of wear found on the teeth. The one individual who was definitely older showed extreme molar wear to the extent that the molar were worn down very close to the gum line. This individual was probably an elderly oxen who had worn out his usefulness. The younger individuals showed for the most part very little wear on their milk teeth and possibly had not been weaned yet and were butchered for veal. While those nine individuals were present in the southwestern extension of the trench, in the northwestern extension, only one individual of 1 3/4 to 2 years old was present. Possibly this extension represents hearth waste deposited earlier or later than the southern portion since the faunal remains in general were less extensive here. The sample size during excavation also needs to be considered since three times more area was excavated in the southern extension.
The final species of domesticated mammal present in the assemblage were three sheep. Two individuals were recovered from the southwestern extension, one which was under 2 years old and one which was over 3 1/2 years old. One sheep was found in the northwestern extension which was over 1 to 2 years old.
To summarize the domestic fauna, cattle dominated the butchery episodes represented in the assemblage with nine individuals in section 1 and one in section 2, pigs and swine were represented by four individuals in section one and three in section 2; and finally sheep were represented by two individuals in section one and one in section 2. In only one case was an individual which appeared to be very old represented among the animals butchered during the short period this trench was in use. That animal was probably an oxen which had outlived its usefulness as a beast of burden. All of the other animals were in their prime ages for being butchered for food. So there doesn't appear to be a shortage of food at the site, but the faunal assemblage, while not matching the meat weight of the 20 domestic animals butchered, does show that wild animals contributed a significant portion of food to the diet.
Four species of wild mammal were recovered from the sections of the trench and each species, except for one, is represented by one individual. The species are White-tailed deer, Muskrat, Eastern Timber Wolf, and Woodchuck.
The remains of two deer were recovered, one young one whose epiphysis on its phalanges had not fused yet, and the antler rack from a large one who had shed its antlers. The shedding of antlers in White-tailed deer occurs early to mid winter, so the remains of this individual, or at least its antlers, were obtained at this time. The deer could be obtained in two main ways, the Europeans could have hunted them or the native Wampanoag in the area could have obtained them for them. It was conceded by John Josselyn in 1674 that they are few taken by the English and he said that it was the natives who brought the "The Indians who shoot them, and take them with their toils (snares), bring them with their suet, and their bones that grow upon their stag hearts." (1987:88). Thomas Morton, who was a thorn in the government of Plymouth's side said that the natives take "The deer with their deer snares, that the flesh is far sweeter than the deer in England My house was not without the flesh of this deer summer or winter and the humbles I fed to my dogs." (Morton 1972:75). So from a food source point of view, deer was well liked by the English and it was easily obtained from the local natives, especially if one allowed a native hunter to borrow your musket as many did in the period, including the Reverend William Leveridge of Sandwich in the 1640s. The heads especially were thought to be good food as Josselyn pointed out "...the red heads of the deer are the fairest and full of marrow and the lightest, the black heads are heavie and have less marrow, the white are the worst and worst nourished." (Lindholt 1988:88).
The other use which could be made of the deer was noted again by Josselyn in 1674 " they (the natives) do not trouble themselves with the horns of moose or other deer, because they are weighty and cumbersome. If the English could procure them to bring them in, they would be worth the pain and charge, being sold in England at the rate of 40 or 50 pounds a tun..." (Josselyn 1987:99). The horns and the bones "which grow upon their hearts" were used as a medicine.
It can be seen that to the English, the deer represented a delicious food source through its meat, the suet can be used in cooking, the antler can have immediate presumed medicinal value or could be shipped to England for profit, and finally having the natives hunt for one especially if they are allowed to use your gun would help to strengthen relations with them for ones own gain.
All English observers and many natives felt that the wolf was the scourge to the hunter and to the raiser of sheep or cattle. The wolf would eat the deer caught in the natives snare and Josselyn stated that the wolf would do much harm to cattle (Josselyn 1672:14). As a result Plymouth and the Massachusetts Bay Colonies established hunting bounties for the towns within the colony and Josselyn stated that wolf hunting season was from September 14 to March 25 (Josselyn 1987:60). He stated that the only reliable way to kill a wolf ".. is to bind four mackerel hooks up into a cross with brown thread and wrapping some wool around this, then dip it in melted tallow till it is as big around as an egg." (Josselyn 1673:61). This "egg" was then left out for the wolf who ate it and then was killed when it dissolves in the stomach.
The wolves would not just be killed without any other uses though. Josselyn goes on to state that "..the fangs are hung about childrens necks to keep them from frighting and they are good to rub their gums with when they are breeding teeth, the gall of a wolf is sovereign for the swelling of the sinews, the dung drunk with white wine helps the Collick." (Josselyn 1987 61). So the presence of a wolf ulna in section 2 of the trench is not surprising for the time.
The Muskrat recovered from section one of the trench may have been a food animal who was caught right out in the river which once flowed approximately one hundred yards from the north door of the house, where the Cape Cod Canal is today. Muskrat, a name derived from Musquash the Wampanoag word for the animal, tastes similar to beaver which was a good meat in the day and the fur could be used as beaver was. Even more importantly, as noted by Morton and Josselyn, were the "stones" or testicles which have a strong smell of musk, especially in May. Josselyn states that "their stones (testicles) wrapped in cotton wool will continue a long time, and are good to lay amongst clothese to give them a good smell." (Josselyn 1987:61).
Not a great deal was written in the records by the seventeenth century travelers to New England concerning the Woodchuck, which is the final wild animal recovered from section 2. From personal experience, it can be said that the woodchuck has a taste very similar to rabbit, which was also found at other locations at the site, so the woodchuck may have been trapped for the same purpose, food.
Fish accounted for the most plentiful of the wild species recovered. The Manamet area of Sandwich was always considered to be an excellent fishing river. As early as 1622, Edward Winslow described the river as "It will bear a boat of eight or ten tons...This river yieldeth thus high, oysters, muscles, clams...and great abundance at all times; besides it aboundeth with divers sorts of fresh fish in their seasons." (Winslow 621: 306). This view of the plenty of the river was supported in 1853 by William Russell who stated that
"The river still holds its claim to be called 'provision rivulet'; and in the
summer season yields, in abundance, the bass (two species), bluefish,
scapaug, tautaug, besides five species of edible shellfish,-oysters, quahogs,
clams, winkles, and mussels. In the winter, besides the various of shell-fish,
we have the trout, frost fish (tomcod), and a rich, and literally enough,
and inexhaustible bed of eels. They form a continuous bed, occupying not
only the bottom (mouth) of the river, but nearly the whole extent of the
marshes." (Russell 1853: 150 ).
Bass (freshwater, striped and rock), called Missuckeke/ Missuckekequock (the great black ones), were considered one of the best eating fish by the colonists in the seventeenth century. These fish were and are very common on the south and east shores of Cape Cod and grow to a length of up to six feet (Bigelow 1953:389). They commonly occur in mixed waters such as that which would have been present at the mouth of the Manamet River up to the 1920s when the Cape Cod Canal destroyed so much of the riverine environment. In these waters they spawn from May to November and were so plentiful that Thomas Morton once commented that "At the turning of the tide I have seen so many go out of a river that I thought I could cross over them dry shod." (Morton 1972: 87).
It was said that these fish would follow the tides and would travel up the rivers at high tide as their food, which consists mainly of small fish, travels up the rivers, or as they were sometimes chased up the river by larger fish such as pikes which ate them (Morton 1972: 87). It was at high tide that nets would be used to seine across the mouths of the rivers to catch large amounts, reportedly 2-3000 at one time (Wood 1643: 55). Colonists also erected weirs in the rivers to catch them, following the example of the native inhabitants. This was a technique which was used by the colonists at Watertown on the Charles River where they caught bass, shad, alewives, frost fish (tomcods) and smelts, and reportedly in 2 tides they have gotten 100, 000 of these fish (Lindholt 1988: 115). The Plymouth colonial government in 1639 actually enacted a law stating that the individuals living in the different riverine communities were allowed to erected weirs specifically for alewives but they would have caught other fish as well "weir erected at Jones River those that put in stock will have part of the return, if it proves prejudicial then they shall pay to have it pulled down. Weirs also erected at Mortons Hole, Bluefish River, Eagles Nest, Greens Harbor, Eel River or any other creek." (PCR 11: 34).
It would not seem unreasonable that the colonists in Manamet may have erected a weir either at the mouth of the river or even the one and an half miles up the river where the site is located. The weir could not have been set up across the entire river though, because it was said that the mouth was about one mile wide and the river even at the Perry site was 15 rods (247.5 feet) wide. A 1645 court order against the town of Sandwich does seem to indicate at least one of the ways in which the bass were taken "Notwithstanding the liberty granted to take fish and fowl, the Town of Sandwich has been prejudiced by certain individuals setting nets to take bass and stopping the passage of the alewives or herring. Any persons setting nets from Middle April to Last of May shall forfeit 10 pounds as often as he shall do it." (PCR 11: 49). The final reported way to catch the Bass was described by William Wood in 1643 "....Catch with hook and line, fasten a piece of lobster onto a codline, pull fish to boat and knock on the head." (Wood 1643: 55).
It appears that from the large percentage of head bones to vertebrae, (MNI for cranial 13, MNI for vertebrae 3.3, 25% of the total percentage of 312 vertebrae for 13 individuals present) that most of the Bass were probably salted and their heads thrown into the open palisade trench. The deposition occurred with enough time between episodes for carnivores like cats, skunks or possibly raccoons to be able to enter the pit and consume the calvarium of the fish leaving behind the gill and oral structures. This is a process which has been observed at the Plantation in recent times with Alewives left out over night.
It is somewhat hard to believe though that they would have thrown out all of the meat which is on a bass head. This seems especially strange when in 1643 Roger Williams said that "The English and the Indians make a dainty dish of Uppanquontup or heads of fish; and well they may, the brains and fat of it being very much and sweet as marrow." (Williams 1971:). During the course of excavation it was noted that the entire dental arcade and structures were not found together. It would seem more likely that the heads were boiled separately from the bodies to make the uppanquontup and after the stew was finished cooking the head bones were removed, gradually coming apart as they do when specimen fish are boiled. This process would result in the calvarium being separate from the gill arches which were separate from the jaws. As the leftovers were tossed into the pit, the bones of each head became somewhat distanced from the other parts. After this had happened would be when the scavenger would move in and eat the softened calvariums.
Some of the bass appear to have been consumed immediately and these would have resulted in the vertebrae present in the deposit. The size range for the bass was estimated using the diameter of the vertebras the measuring guide. Sizes in the 5, 12, 13 area range from approximately 21.4-83.7 using the vertebrae (which has a 22.55 margin of error) to 57.3-62cm using the dentary measurements, which may be more reliable. For the EU 9 area the vertebrae give the range as 37.3-58.2cm and the dentary give it as 44.6-78.7cm. Using the dentary only, there seems to be a preference for bass which were approximately 50-70 cm long (19 1/2-27 1/2"). According to Bigelow and Schroeder these size fish would weigh in around five pounds. Whatever method was used to acquire them, it appears from the most likely exaggerated accounts that large numbers could be taken in a short amount of time. After they were caught, there appears to be uses for both the bodies and the heads. The heads were said to be "...so large that the head of one will give a good dinner and for the daintyest of the diet they excell the Marybones of beef." (Morton 1972: 87). Josselyn stated that he had heard that a writer had said that "...the fat in the bone of the head is his brains which is lye." (Lindholt 1988:78). While William Wood states that the head and the whole fish was "... one of the best fish, meat delicate, fine, fat, fast fish with a bone in its head which contains a saucerful of marrow, sweet and good, pleasent to the palate and wholesome to the stomach. When there is a great store we only eat the heads and store up the rest for winter." (Wood 1643:55). The rest of the fish was "... salted and used in winter or divided and used in home and garden. (there) is a great store we only eat the heads and store up the rest for winter." (Wood 1643: 55) and Morton said that "..100 salted have yielded 5 pence." (Morton 1972: 87).
Numerous period recipes use fish. This is one wild animal which can assuredly be called a staple of the English diet. The various ways in which the fish could be cooked depended somewhat on the size of the fish. Small fish such as Alewives, Herring or lings can be baked into a pie while any fish depending on its size could be stewed, fried, roasted, boiled, or baked. There were only basic cooking vessels needed to prepare the fish in any of these ways. Stewing may involve a ceramic pot, chafing dish or one account mentions a pewter plate and white wine. Frying only requires a frying pan, while roasting needs only a spit. Boiling, or sousing as it was called, required a cooking pot large enough to boil the fish and often some white wine. Baking required the only really specialized cooking piece which was a coffin to bake the fish in along with its various spices. It appears then that the entire fish could be used. The heads provided a "sweet marrow" and the bodies could be salted or eaten fresh, and in times of plenty the entire fish could be used as manure in the garden in similar fashion to the old story of how Squanto had taught the Pilgrims to use the fish while planting native corn. In the case of the striped bass used in the fall and deposited in the palisade trench circa the 1670s, it appears that the bodies of the greatest percentage of the at least 15 fish represented were salted and the heads were cooked and eaten. The bones from those fish bodies which were eaten fresh and the remaining head bones, were deposited at all levels in the apparently rapidly filled pit. These bones were then scavenged by probably cats and skunks, bones of which have been found at the site and their canine puncture marks on the bird bones. The fish were probably either caught by hook and line from a boat, or possibly, if the community had a weir erected on the river, were caught in the weir.
The avian remains from the trench are a varied assortment of primarily wild fowl with the remains of only one chicken recovered from a trench section. Along with the actual faunal remains of the various birds, the shell of at least one egg was recovered, but it is not possible to identify which species the egg was from at this time.
The remains of two Canadian geese were recovered, one from each section. Canadian geese frequent this area of Massachusetts from late September to late May, which is consistent with the seasonality of the striped bass and the patterns of butchery in the period. In the period, geese were noted as being very numerous, for example Thomas Morton noted that in 1623 he had noted that he has seen one thousand geese before the barrel of his gun (Morton 1972:67). He also noted that the flesh of the New World geese was better than that in England. Josselyn noted that there was a medicinal use for the goose which was to drink the fat drippings which will cure the "bloody flux" (Josselyn 1672:9). Geese would have been an animal which was hunted by the colonists themselves, but which could have also been procured from the natives in the area.
The remains of two Mallard ducks were recovered from each of the sections. Mallards are available from Mid August to Early May in this area. Not a great deal is noted in the period for the ducks except that they are better than those in England and that the dogs would get the giblets unless they were boiled to make a broth (Morton 1972:68).
Turkeys comprise the third variety of birds consumed in the period of deposition in the trench. One was found in each of the sections. Josselyn noted that he ate one plucked and garaged at 30 pounds, and I had seen three score broads of turkeys on the side of the marsh, running themselves in the morning, but "this was 30 years since, the English and the Indians have now destroyed the breed." (Josselyn 1673:78). He wrote this in 1673, but it appears that at least in Sandwich, the turkeys remained in greatly diminished numbers, or, the other explanations could be that they were being domestically raised at the site.
The remains of one sea gull were recovered from the trench. Sea gulls probably were not one of the most commonly eaten animals in the seventeenth century, primarily because of their overwhelming fishy flavor. It was noted that there was an increasing problem in the middle seventeenth century on Cape Cod because of the increasing fishing industry there. It appears that the problem was that fishermen were dumping the heads and entrails of fish being caught and salted on the beaches and this was causing an increase in the gull population. It was also noted by Thoreau, although two hundred years later, that fishermen on Cape Cod were catching the gulls and using them as bait for fish. Perhaps the gull at the site was the remains of one used for bait, or had been caught by one of the cats at the site and one wing was thrown into the open trash pit.
Seven other small birds were present in the assemblage; they were two Bob Whites (Colinus virginianus), one Common Loon (Gavia immer), one American Crow (Corvus brachyrhrnchos), one Passenger Pigeon (Ectopistes migratorius), two American Coots (Fulica americana), one Killdeer (Charadrius vociferus), and one Robin (Turdus migratorius). All of these species were recovered from the palisade trench. The small size of most of these species indicates that they were probably not a meal themselves but were part of a larger recipe such as blackbird pie which was noted in period cookbooks.
The final class of remains to be discussed is one of the most intriguing present. This was the remains of what has been tentatively identified as the plastron of a painted turtle in section 2. Josselyn noted that "The ashes of the sea turtle mixed with oil or bears grease causes the hair to grow, the shell of the land turtle burnt and the ashes dissolved in white wine and oil to an unguent health chaps and sores of the feet; the flesh burnt and the ashes mixed with wine and oil heals sore legs; the ashes of the burnt shell and the whites of eggs compounded together heals chaps in womens nipples; the head pulverized with it prevents the falling of the hair and will heal hemorrhoids, first washing them with white wine then strewing on the powder." (Josselyn 1672: 78). It is interesting to note that the remains of the eggshell or shells were also found in the same section and actually in the same level as the turtle shell.