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1627: The House at Manamet
 What would the original trading house have looked like and what traces would it have left?  More importantly in qualifying a site as having been occupied from 1627-1635 (at the latest): What types of ceramics, pipe bowl styles and percentages of stem bores, would one expect to occur at such a site?  By establishing the criteria which would identify a site a having dated from this early period, the fact that the site in question does not date from the 1620s-1630s will become clear, and preliminary work will be done to further the search for the original site.

Architecture: The documentary record
 The question of what the structure that was constructed by the colonists at Manamet, can be investigated through the use of two sources.  The first is period sources relating to structures in the colony and the second is the archaeological evidence in Plymouth colony relating to those early years.  Bradford stated that when they first erected houses in 1620-1621 "..our purpose is to build for the present such houses as, if need be, we may with litle greefe set a fire, and run away by the light.. But if it be on all men resolved to build mean houses, the Governor's labor be spared." (Morsion 1984:363).  The houses within the palisade were not meant to be permanent fine, fair houses.  They were meant as temporary lodging until each family was able to strike out on their own and build substantial houses.  Bradford goes on to say that the first house built at the Plymouth site was a common house 20 feet square in which to store their goods (Morsion 1984:79).  Twenty feet on a side seems a good approximation of the size of a modest house in the colony.
 Lombard utilized documentary evidence in his investigation as well, although he focused only on those that related directly to the trading house.  Descriptions of the structure are given by Secretary de Rasiere when he visited the site in 1627, and by Bradford when the site was destroyed during the 1635 hurricane.  Soon after the house was built and the decision made to go into Narragansett Bay in search of the trade in wampumpeag and suckahock, the Dutch sent an ambassador to dissway the colonists from their venture.  De Rasiere arrived at Manamet late in 1627 and described the house as being constructed of "...hewn oak planks." (James 1963a: 74).  This translation of the original Dutch appears to have created a problem in the interpretation of the description.
 Lombard received a letter from an architectural historian named Norman Isham in 1929.  When Lombard replied to the letter he stated that "The three words, 'hewn oak planks', have caused us much discussion. I have asked three different Dutch authorities on 16th/17th century Dutch, about these words, and they all said that Prof. Hull has translated them correctly......I note that the last letter of the word which Prof. Hull translates as 'planks', namely 'planken' is not n but s. If this is so, then the word is 'planches', and means the plancher, or the timbers of the frame....which of course, in those days were all hewn." (Lombard 1929:1).  Isham confirms, in the same letter, the incorrect interpretation of the word on the part of Prof. Hull and goes on to state that the k in 'planken' is actually h, confirming Lombard's interpretation.  From this description, we now know that the frame of the house was hewn, as one would expect in the seventeenth century.
 Continuing with his visit, de Rasiere was then brought to Plimoth where he described the houses as being covered with clapboards (James 1963a: 76).  De Rasieres description of the house at Aptucxet shows us that the framework of the house was of hewn oak and it may have been covered with clapboard like those at the Plantation.  It would seem logical though that he would have noted if the house at Aptucxet was clapboard.  The house had been constructed only the previous year and as a result, it may not yet have been covered with clapboard, if it was ever to be covered, when de Rasiere saw the house.  When a house is built in this way, the plancher or framework of the structure is exposed with daub between the beams.  This would have been the most significant fact de Rasiere could have noticed about it, and he could easily determine what type of wood was used.  Upon his arrival in Plymouth, he may have found it noteworthy that the houses here were covered with clapboard and the plancher were not exposed. 
The fact that the house at Aptucxet was not clapboarded is another illustration of the brevity of its existence  The houses in Plimoth were clapboarded because it was noted in the first winter that the daub would wash away with the strong rains if it was not boarded.  The house at Aptucxet, on the other hand, may have been meant to be more temporary. It was probably of a construction that the colonists would have been even less troubled to "set a fire, and run away by the light".
 The temporary nature of the initial buildings erected by the colonists, especially trading houses can also be noted when the Governor of the Massachusetts Bay Colony, John Winthrop, reported in 1633 of Allerton's establishment of a trading "wigwam" at Machais in Maine (Dunn 1996:113).  Winthrop often used the word wigwam when describing houses that were not constructed as well, by his standards, as an English house.  Many of the early setters were noted as building, living in, and having their wigwams burned down.  The term does not refer to a native constructed or even native style home, but is a sub-standard English home.  Christopher Levett reinforced this definition of wigwam, in the English sense, at the Saco River in Maine.  Here he says that  "We built us our wigwam, or house, in one houres space, it had no frame, but was without forme or fashion, onely a few poles set up together, and covered with our boates sailes which kept forth but a little winde and lesse raigne and snow." (Parker 1968c: 264).  This of course is not to say that the house at Aptucxet was a "wigwam" or was as insubstantial as Levette's but it is possible that it was not as substantial as the houses in Plymouth.
 Bradford's description of the 1635 hurricane illuminates another aspect of the construction of the house.   William Bradford and Edward Winslow both record the 1635 hurricane: "It took the boarded roof of a house which belonged to the plantation at Manamet and floated it to another place leaving the posts still standing in the ground..." (Morsion 1984: 279). This statement is completely consistent with the post-medieval construction techniques known of the period and the archaeological evidence from the other sites. The roof of the house was not of thatch like many of the roofs which were built in the early years in the plantation but was of split boards probably placed on clapboard style.  Thatch was outlawed as a roofing material within the plantation in 1627 as a result of the numerous fires that resulted from its use (RCNP 1855: XI-4).  While this law covered only the houses within and close to the palisade of the plantation, it apparently also was applied at the Aptucxet house.  This may indicate that the construction of the trading house was more substantial than is suggested by de Rasiere.  It may have had a boarded roof but no clapboards on the walls.  The other clue to the construction techniques at the house that can be gleaned from the 1635 hurricane is that the storm left the posts of the house standing in the ground.  Obviously the structure was of post-in-ground construction which appears to have been the most common form for the first houses in Plymouth, as will be confirmed when the archaeological evidence is looked at. 
Architecture: The archaeological record
 The archaeological signature that would be left at the site of the Aptucxet house, if constructed as has been hypothesized, would be difficult to discover.  James Deetz, in 1977, stated that the focus of a site is the "degree to which the pattern of postholes, cellars, and hearths can be 'read' clearly as to how it represents the structure which once stood  over it." (Deetz 1977:94).  The other aspect is the sites visibility "the actual amount of physical remains, however clearly or ambiguously they may be perceived." (Deetz 1977:94).  It is here predicted that the Aptucxet house, because of its short duration of occupation (assuming that the site has not been occupied since) will, when discovered, have a high degree of focus. On the other hand, because of its short duration of occupation, possibly as little as 2 years, it will have a low visibility.  These two points will become clearer when the Allerton site is compared to what would be expected at the Aptucxet site.
 Archaeologically, the earliest houses that have been excavated within the former colony have had a twenty-foot floor plan similar to the plantation's first common house.  Three sites in particular will be discussed: the site of the Cushnoc trading house in Augusta, Maine (1628-1676);  the Isaac Allerton homesite in Kingston, Massachusetts (c. 1632-1634); and finally the Thomas Clarke homesite in Plymouth, Massachusetts (c. 1635-1676). 
 The site of the Cushnoc trading house in Augusta, Maine was 20 feet by 44 feet.(Figure 1).  This site was built as the second trading post erected by the colony in the year following the establishment of Aptucxet.  Its founding may have lead to the abandonment of Aptucxet the year after it was built, since the trade appears to have been focused on Maine after 1628.  The style of the house appears to have been a cross-passage with a hearth located on the west wall.  The chimney was probably constructed of wattle and daub with no bricks used. The doorways were located on the north and south sides (Cranmer 1990:61).  There were no footings stones at the site, its construction was essentially the same as that described by Bradford when the Aptucxet house was swept away in 1635.  Posts were set in the ground, evenly spaced about 15' apart on all of the sides.  There was a deep wood lined cellar located in the eastern portion of the house.  Surrounding the site on at least the north and west sides was an approximately 3' wide palisade trench.
 The second site to be discussed is the homesite of the financial planner of the Plimoth colony, Isaac Allerton in Kingston, Massachusetts.  It appears that Allerton and his family moved to the site probably around 1632 and lived there until 1634 at the latest when it was known that he had left the colony.  Allertons daughter Mary and her family, beginning in 1656 until circa 1699, later occupied the site.  As a result of the two occupations, it is difficult to distinguish the focus of the Allerton period at the site, but the visibility is high
(Figure 1).
Allerton's house was of a simple 20' x 22' square structure with one large post hole in each corner, possible stains from the floor joists in the north western corner of the house and a fieldstone hearth along the eastern wall measuring approximately five feet long and wide.  The entrance to the house is believed to have been located on the south wall perpendicular to hearth, so that the hearth wall would act as a baffle for the wind into the house.  A palisade trench was dug to the immediate west of the house but never completed, possibly because Allerton left before he finished it.  It is important to note that there was no cellarhole associated with the early house.  It is believed that this little house would have been very similar to those first houses erected by the colonists at Plimoth and in fact has been used as a model for houses constructed at the present day Plimoth Plantation Museum.
 This house size and style probably represents one that was built by settlers initially until they had the time or means to enlarge it.  Allerton, one of the wealthiest men in the colony, surly would have enlarged his house if he had continued to reside within the colony.  This pattern of beginning with a small 20 x 20' house and enlarging it over time can be seen more clearly at the Thomas Clarke site.
 Thomas Clarke built his home circa 1635-1640 along the north bank of the Eel River in Plymouth (Figure 1) .The initial house constructed at the site is believed to have been an approximately 21 x 24' structure with a hearth on its east wall and the entrance to the south similar to the situation at the Allerton site.  This early house is outlined by several postholes on west and north sides of the house.
 It is believed that the house was enlarged to a 24 x 44' structure later in the century by means of stone sills on the eastern portion of the house.  The hearth remained on the eastern side of the house and the house either became a cross passage similar to the Cushnoc site or may have had an entrance on the south side only.  The 8' square cellarhole appears to have originally been wood-lined, but at some later time was stone lined  possibly when the wood rotted.  It is not believed at this time that the cellarhole was constructed during the first phase of construction at the site.  
 From the archaeological and documentary evidence the following reconstruction of the house at Aptucxet has been attempted.  The structure was most likely a roughly 20' square structure with the hearth located along the east wall and the entrance into it located on the south side.  The oak-hewn framework was set in postholes located at the four corners of the structure.  The hearth was of wattle construction and the roof, conforming to the 1627 law, was, as Bradford stated, boarded.  The walls were not clapboarded, as were the walls in the plantation, but were left exposed as they were in England.  There may have been a palisade surrounding the house for protection here on the frontier, or they may have planned one and it was never constructed before the site was abandoned.

The Artifact Assemblage
 Looking at the assemblages from some of the early colony sites, we can hypothesize about the type of artifact assemblage that would be diagnostic as having come from a site occupied from 1627-1635.  The sites looked at were Cushnoc, the Thomas Clarke homesite, the Isaac Allerton Homesite and the Edward Winslow homesite (1632-1650) in Marshfield, Massachusetts.  Essentially two classes of artifacts were believed to be highly temporally diagnostic to identify site that was occupied during the first half of the seventeenth century. Because of the relative ease with which ceramics and clay tobacco pipes can be dated, these were selected as the two artifact classes to be discussed in this work.  Both of these classes are relatively utilitarian and were fairly indiscriminately disposed of by their users.  Both classes of artifacts were recovered from the two field seasons of work at the site and should indicate if there was even a limited amount of early seventeenth century presence at the site. 
       Clay Tobacco Pipes
 Clay tobacco pipes are, to the archaeologist, two things, one of the most commonly occurring objects on colonial sites and easily dated by their makers marks and bowl styles.  The stem bores of tobacco pipes gradually became smaller over the centuries since they were first produced in England.  The stems of the pipes were slowly lengthened over time and as a result the bore of the stems became smaller.  The stems from the 1580-1620 period are predominantly of a 9/64" bore while those of 1650-1680 are predominantly of a 7/64" bore.  J.C. Harrington discovered this reduction sequence when he worked with clay pipes from Jamestown in the 1950s and it has been refined
over the years. 

      9/64"  1580-1620
      8/64"  1620-1650
      7/64"  1650-1680
      6/64"  1680-1710
      5/64"  1710-1750
      4/64"  1750-1800
 This dating by stem bores was initially believed to be the answer to the problem of dating sites. This theory in decreasing stem size was based on the fact that pipe stem lengths were of an increasingly longer length over time. This resulted in a smaller stem bore as the length increased. Of course, dating artifacts is never as easy as Harrington and Binford felt that it could be. In reality, the dates for the different pipe stem bores represent the specific periods of greatest popularity for those sizes, so there is a degree of over lap with all of these sizes. When the 7/64" were in their greatest popularity, there were still 8/64" being made, and later in their period of popularity there were 6/64" being made.  For example, Hume shows a chart on which he estimates the percentages of production at different time periods for different bore diameters: 

Date range 9/64" 8/64" 7/64" 6/64" 5/64" 4/64"
1620-1650 20% 59% 21%
1650-1680  25% 57% 18%
1680-1710   16% 72% 12%
1710-1750    15% 72% 13%
1750-1800    3% 20% 74%
 These percentages all represent the popularity of the sizes at the median date of production. In the early years of the different size's production there would have been a greater percentage of the earlier sizes bores.  As one moves through the production period the earlier sizes would be phased out and the next smaller size would begin towards the middle to end of the period, moving into the next period. But one can assume that there was never any regularity to the production outputs by various producers in the different times for the different bores.
 Bearing in mind the imprecision of stem bores as an absolute dating tool, what can be accomplished using these stem bores is to see when the range of activity at the site occurred.  Sites with small percentages of 9/64" stems, large percentages of 8/64" stems and a small percentage of 7/64" stems can be assumed to have their maximum period of occupation between the 1620 to 1650 period. Different features on the site can also be looked at individually to see if the percentage of stem bores within them varies between them. If a palisade trench has a greater percentage of 8/64" stems than a cellar hole that has more 7/64" stems, then possibly the palisade was filled before the cellar. This needs to be compared with the other artifacts to see if it support that hypothesis.
 Another method that can be used to help to date a site is the establishment of median dates. By taking the median dates for each of the pipe stem bores, multiplying this by the number of fragments of each bore, adding all of the resultant answers together and finally dividing them by the total number of measurable fragments, the median date of occupation at the site can be hypothesized. This will result in a median date based on the assumption of pipe makers strictly adhering to the changes in pipe length in a given period.
 Median dates such as these do help somewhat when attempting to determine if the site dates to a specific possible owner's period of occupation. For example, if one believes that the site is that of a farmer who the documents say lived at his home from 1645-1695, the median occupation date of the site based on the documents is 1670. If one looks at the pipe stems and uses the formula and the median date is 1740, then the researcher becomes suspicious of the plausibility of the site being that specific farmer's house. Of course, a good archaeologist is not merely going to look only at the clay pipes to interpret or date a site, they will look at all the artifacts from the site and then be more confident in assigning a specific site to a specific occupant.    
 The bowl styles which would date to this period are outlined by Hume (Hume 1969:302) (Figure 2).  The styles from England have been studied extensively by Adrian Oswald in his monumental work on the Bristol pipemakers (Oswald 1975).  The pipe bowls from this period would be characterized by a diminutive size, but not as small as those from the 1580-1620 period.  Their bowls tilt forward away from the smoker and they usually have rather larger heels which are the portions of the bowls on the underside.  Later bowls became larger and the heels shrunk until late in the seventeenth century they sometimes have disappeared altogether.  The clay pipes from a site dating from 1627-1635 would be expected to be composed of large bored stems mainly of the 8/64" variety and small sized bowls similar to those shown in Hume's work. Using his work, the various bowls and many bowl fragments found at a site can be used to support or refute the chronology of the site or features based on the stem bore diameters. In it most basic sense, clay pipe bowl sizes increased throughout the seventeenth century. Along with the increased bowl size went a change in shape. The earliest bowls are small bulbous "belly" bowls with relatively narrow bowl openings. Over time the bowls remained bulbous but the grew larger and the diameter of their bowl openings increased (Figure 2).
 Tobacco pipes can also bear maker marks in the form of a specific symbol used by a specific maker or the actual makers name on the bowl or stem. Along with these makers' marks, certain styles that appear to indicative of specific countries of origin
 At the Aptucxet Trading Post site in Bourne Massachusetts, the excavator, Percival Hall Lombard, in 1926, used clay pipes as one of his forms of evidence to prove that the site was the original 1627 trading house. He merely assumed that the pipes dated to the early seventeenth century and followed with the natural conclusion that since he felt they looked early then the must be from the trading house. He also assumed that they were Dutch and found corroborating evidence in paintings of the Dutch using clay tobacco pipes.
 The ceramic types that would prove to be very diagnostic to the early seventeenth century can be ascertained by looking at the assemblages from the Allerton, Clarke, Edward Winslow and Cushnoc sites.  James Deetz, in 1972, used many of the sites excavated by Plimoth Plantation Inc. to create a serration of the use of ceramics in Plymouth Colony from 1635-1685 (Figure 3).  As can be observed by looking at this chart, from the two earliest sites listed, the Edward Winslow site (C-14) and the Thomas Clarke homesite (C-01), redwares predominate followed by what he called white sandy wares, North Devon scraffito and brown German stoneware.  While in its most basic sense, Deetz's work is correct, careful reexamination of the collections and more secure identifications of materials have produced a more refined view of the ceramics of the early colony.  This chart shows the early seventeenth century ceramics from three of the sites used in this study.
 Figure 3
Figure 4
 At the sites being used in this discussion, redwares dominate the assemblages as can be seen in Figure 4.  Redware is the broadest variety within the ceramic class of earthenwares.  Earthenwares can be characterizes as being a ceramic class composed of glacial or alluvial clays that have been fired in a kiln at temperatures not exceeding 1200 degrees Celsius.  Before the firing, the body may be, but was not always, covered with a powdered or later, a liquid lead oxide glaze.  This glaze fused to the body and created a waterproof, glasslike surface.  Different paste textures, decorative techniques, and glazes produced different types of earthenware identified by the distinctions: redware; tin-enameled; slipware; North Devon gravel tempered and gravel free wares; and refined earthenwares.  Some of these varieties have distinct temporal ranges, while others continued in production virtually unchanged for centuries. Redware is the largest and most commonly occurring type of earthenware encountered on European Colonial sites.
 Redware itself has not received a great deal of careful and scholarly work to tightly date them.  Apart from Laura Watkins' paramount work and Sarah Turnbaugh's 1985 treatise on the subject, there has not been much follow up work done to continue the scholarship. As a result, while redware makes up the greatest percentage of the assemblages looked at, they can not be closely dated, and must be given limited weight to the amount they can contribute to the identification of an early seventeenth century site.  What can be said about them relates primarily to their glaze colors. 
 Studying the English ceramic traditions which formed the precedent for colonial potters work, Turnbaugh identified 12 redware traditions in England which she felt were perpetuated by New England potters (Turnbaugh 1985:216-217).  Her date ranges for wares made in England date from ca. 1200 to 1795, and those in New England from ca. 1650 to 1815.  Unfortunately Turnbaugh's work suffers from several serious drawbacks.  English and Colonial wares are virtually indistinguishable from each other, unless one performs complex trace mineral tests to determine the source location of the clays used.  As a result, unless one knows that the redwares present at a site are definitely of colonial manufacture, they can not be used to reliably date a site.  Turnbaugh also sets beginning date of manufacture for the colonial potters much too late.  She herself notes that potters were established in Charlestown Massachusetts by 1635 and it is known that potters were at work in Virginia by 1622 at the latest (Turnbaugh 1985:209).  I feel that, unless the date range for the habitation of a site has been set prior to the use of Turnbaugh's dates, they can not be considered a reliable means of identifying a site as dating to the early or late seventeenth century when no other artifacts are present.
 My own research with Plimoth Plantation's collections indicates that there was some general change in the frequency of occurrence of glaze colors throughout the seventeenth century.  It appears that from the early seventeenth century until approximately the third quarter of the century, olive and dark black glazes reminiscent of the glazes used on wares from the North Devon region of England predominated.  After the third quarter and into the 18th and 19th centuries yellow-red glazes of various shades became ever more popular while the dark and olive glazes lost favor. 
Figure 5

Winslow (C-14) 1630-1650
Clarke (C-1) 1630-1676
Allerton (C-21) 1630, 1650-1690
Bradford (C-6) 1682-1745
Bartlett (C-4) 1679-1730
 As can be seen in Figure 5, which graphs the occurrence of redware glaze colors at various sites in Plymouth colony, this generally holds true.  The brown glazes remain present throughout the century while the dark glazes decrease and light glazes increase.  Red brown glazes appear rather sporadic in their occurrence.  This may indicate that the occurrence of red-brown glazed vessels is a later seventeenth into eighteenth century occurrence, although it is interesting that they were not found at the Allerton site that was occupied until circa 1690.  On an early seventeenth century site, one would expect there to be a high percentage of dark brown glazes and a lower percentage of light brown/ tan glazes.
 More temporally diagnostic of the early seventeenth century than redwares are the wares produced in the various border areas of north-east Hampshire and West Surrey from the 16th and 17th century.  These are called borderware (Pearce 1992:1).  Borderware was the second most common utilitarian cooking and serving ware in the early seventeenth century after redware.  The body of the borderware is a fine sandy off-white earthenware and the interior and often the exterior is glazed with yellow, brown, green, or olive glazes.  The fabric and colors are very similar to the products of Holland and France but the shapes of the vessels are easily identifiable to England.  There are a huge number of forms that the Borderware took from three legged cooking pipkins to candlesticks, but it is interesting that in the Plimoth Plantation collections, only pipkins and bowls have been identified thus far.  Borderware have been recovered from North American colonial sites that had occupations prior to the English Civil War in 1660.  The war severely disrupted trade patterns with the New World and during this time many utilitarian ceramic forms that had formerly come from England were replaced by the developing New World colonial pottery industry.  As a result, wares such as Borderware and many Raeren and Frenchen stoneware types (see below) appear to have ceased being imported to the New England.  The recovery of Borderware at a site is very temporally diagnostic to the early seventeenth century, at least it points to an occupation prior to 1660.  This is also true to a degree for some of the varieties of stoneware produced in the Rhineland. 
 Many of the red bodied earthenwares which reached New England came from the southeast of England in the West Country (Devonshire and perhaps Dorset) (Hume 1970:102).  These included tall black glazed mugs with two or more handles called tygs which were produced from the 1400s to ca. 1650 and slipwares produced at Wrotham in Kent from 1612 to 1700 (Hume 1970:102).  Wrotham slipware had a glaze that was darkened and a thinned clay solution, called a slip, was applied in sprig molded pads containing initials and dates (Hume 1970:103).
 Tin-enameled wares (also called tin-glazed, or delftware) were produced in Spain, France, Portugal, Holland and England.  At present it seems that wares from England comprise the vast majority of these wares found on early seventeenth century English colonial sites.  Tin-enameled wares are semi-soft bodied earthenwares which were decorated with blue, orange, green and yellow painted glaze and were covered with a tin glaze or a lead glaze with tin added.  This gave a white glaze to the vessel reminiscent of oriental porcelain, which they appear to have imitated.  The most common vessels for the early seventeenth century are chargers, flat broad platters, with floral or pomegranate decorations in the center and blue dash decoration along the rims (Hume 1970:108).  These were made from ca.1620 to 1720.  As with other ceramic types that lasted for a long period, the decoration of these ware degraded throughout the century as demand and availability of them increased.  Apothecary or drug pots were also made in England.  These were rather tall and narrow vessels painted in bands on the exterior, often in blue, orange and purple (Hume 1970:205). These were produced from ca. 1580 to 1640.  They were replaced by plain white pots of a squatter shape later in the century. 
 The West Country of England, mainly around the towns of Barnstable, Biddeford and Great Torrington produced a type of earthenware that has come to be known as North Devon gravel free ware.  This ware is easily distinguished by the color of the exterior versus the interior.  The exterior was fired in an oxidizing atmosphere in the kiln and as a result it attains an orange or red.  These vessels were fired upside-down in the kilns, with result being the interior having been fired in a reducing atmosphere, free from oxygen.  As a result the interior are often or a gray fired body with a mottled yellow to olive brown glaze (Cranmer 1992:85).  These vessels have long been thought to have only been produced during the late seventeenth century, but their recovery from sites such as  the Plymouth trading post at Pentagoet (ca. 1629), Martin's Hundred in Virginia (1622) and from the wreck of the Sea Venture (1609) pushes their dates of manufacture back into the first quarter of the century (Cranmer 1992:85).  Their recovery from sites throughout the century shows that they were produced for a long time range.  Most of the vessels take the form  of baluster jars.  These vessels have a constricted neck on which a paper or cloth cover could be tied.  It is theorized that these vessels were shipped either empty or filled with pickled fish to the colonies.
 Not all of the earthenware varieties recovered from early seventeenth century colonial sites originated in England.  This is true for a common type of ceramic known as North Italian red marbleized slipware that generally dates from 1610 to 1660.  The decoration of these red bodied earthenwares was executed by mixing white and green slip to created a marbleized slip (Hume 1970:77).  Common vessel forms of this ware appear to be "costrels", which were used much like canteens, and dishes. Italian marbleized slipware occurs at numerous seventeenth century sites in the Northeast (Wilcoxen 1987:77).
 The other varieties of earthenware, such as slipware, sgraffito and North Devon gravel tempered ware were not produced until after 1650 and will not be considered here.  These will be discussed in the section of this report covering the ceramics recovered from the Aptucxet Trading Post Museum Site.
 Stoneware can be described as a ceramic type that is made of alluvial or glacial clays which is fired in a kiln at temperatures of 1200 to 1400 degrees Celsius.  Firing the clays at these temperatures produces a dense, vitrified, waterproof body of a gray, brown or buff color.  Vessels were often glazed by throwing handfuls of salt into the kiln at the peak of firing.  This imparted a salt glaze, giving the exterior surface a waterproof glaze with an orange peel like texture. 
 Brown slip covered salt glazed stoneware had been produced in eastern Europe since at least the 1400s and was used chiefly for shipping and storing commodities (Turnbaugh 1985:16).  Primarily these were produced in two centers in the Rhineland of Germany; Frenchen and Westerwald.  The Frenchen region mainly produced wares with a distinctive iron oxide stained slip with a salt glaze on a brown stoneware body.  The best known of these was the Baartmannkrug or Bellarmine bulbous jugs produced since the early 16th century (Figure 6).
 The Baartmannkrugs are noted for the medallions on their bodies, often with a coat of arms identifying where they were produced, and a molded bearded mask on the neck.  Over time the medallions became completely abstract, no longer referring to any region but being merely decorative and the masks became grotesque charicatures of their original selves.  A site dating to the early seventeenth century would contain Baartmannkrugs with well-molded medallions of specific cities and naturalistic masks. This region also produced plain globular jugs of various capacities. No well-molded masks or medallions were found at any of the sites in this study but the Allerton site did produce a variety of plain jugs, some of which may date to the Allerton occupation.
 The second type of German ceramics were those produced in the Westerwald region.  These were most commonly made in the form of jugs that were decorated with cobalt blue and a salt glaze on a gray stoneware body.  Over time the finely executed decorations and lines on Westerwald vessels became degraded, much in the same way that the Bellarmine's decoration deteriorated.  By the late seventeenth and especially the eighteenth century, they were distinctly debased.  After approximately 1660 manganese was also used in conjunction with cobalt in the decoration of these vessels (Hume 1970:281). 
 The final category of ceramics is those produced in France that appear on early colonial sites in Plymouth colony.  The Edward Winslow site produced many fragments of a Martincamp costrel of unglazed, high fired redware.  The town of Martincamp is situated between Dieppe and Beauvais in France.  Hurst stated that Martincamp vessels are " common in Britain that they may be regarded as much as a chronological type-fossil of the 16th and 17th centuries..." (Hurst 1992:102).  The flask from the Winslow site is termed a type III.  These were produced from 1625-1650 with a height of  328 mm. Examples of this type have been found in Virginia at the site of the Roanoke colony (Hurst 1992:104). 
 The second French ceramic is from the Allerton site and is a product of Normandy.  This dark purple brown-bodied stoneware is possibly a narrow necked jar.  This form was produced from the early to late seventeenth century (Hurst 1992:101).  Fragments of other vessels of this type have been found at Champlain's 1604 habitation at Sainte-Croix in Maine.  Since Allerton had dealings with the trading and fishing ventures in Maine, it is possible that he received the vessel there. 
 The ceramic assemblage that would be expected at a site dating from 1627-1635 can now be ascertained with a fair degree of certainty.  Redware vessels would comprise the majority of the assemblage with dark or olive glazed drinking, storage, and cooking vessels present.  Borderware would be present representing cooking and serving vessels.  Black glazed tygs (1400s-1650) and Wrotham slipware mugs (1612-1700) may be present.  Tin-enameled vessels may be present, but would not be common.  These would most likely take the form of "blue-dash" chargers (1620-1720) and polychrome apothecary pots (1580-1640).  Baluster jars from the North Devon region of England (ca. 1620 to c. 1675) would probably be present.  North Italian marbleized earthenware (1610-1660) and French Martincamp costrels would round off the earthenwares.
 Frenchen stoneware jugs with well-molded faces and medallions would be present to hold liquids.  There is the possibility that stoneware from Normandy, France would be present in limited quantity from Plimoth Colony's interaction with traders and fishermen in Maine.  Finally it must be noted that there may be Dutch wares similar in fabric to Borderware present as a result of the known interaction with New Netherlands.
Copyright 2002
Craig S. Chartier